United Fascist Workers Association

Anthology of Speeches and Quotes, José Antonio Primo de Rivera

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José Antonio Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia, 1st Duke of Primo de Rivera, 3rd Marquess of Estella, was a Spanish lawyer, parliamentarian, and martyr. Son of the General Miguel Primo de Rivera, the dictator of Spain from 1923-1930, Rivera founded the Falange Española – the Spanish Phalanx – in 1933. The Falange grew slowly at first, winning just .7% of the vote in the 1936 February elections, but swelled in numbers as the tyranny and violence in the Second Spanish Republic grew.

Supporters of the Popular Front, the governing party at the time, waged an open campaign of violence against Spanish nationalists highlighted by the imprisonment, show-trial, and execution of José Antonio in November 1936. Subsequently, the Falange joined the insurrection against the Republic, and ascended to prominence among the Nationalist ranks. José Antonio’s Falange would later merge with other right-wing parties to form the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS, Spain’s pan-nationalist party which would go on to hold power, under Francisco Franco, for nearly four decades. José Antonio himself was posthumously known as El Ausente (The Absent One) and became a revered figure among the Spanish right.

First published by Ediciones Prensa Del Movimiento Madrid in 1950, a publishing house owned by the Falange, this English-language anthology of José Antonio’s speeches and quotations has been out of print since the publishing house was dissolved by the Spanish state in 1984. Antelope Hill Publishing is proud to preserve this monumental work in print form.

Ethnosociology: The Foundations Vol. I, Alexander Dugin

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Ethnosociology: The Foundations is a systematic presentation of the main principles and analytic strategies of the discipline of ethnosociology, written by Alexander Dugin, one of the major Russian philosophers and political analysts of the present day. Through study of the main sources and schools that influenced the establishment of ethnosociology as an independent and original scientific discipline, Alexander Dugin offers a profound philosophical approach to the categories of the “ethnos,” “narod,” “nation,” and “society” and elaborates a general ethnosociological taxonomy.

Dugin’s work is distinguished by its strict consistency, a broad spectrum of knowledge, and various methodologies of ethnosociological analysis, brought together into a single, easily applicable system. While this book can serve as a manual for specialists in the field of sociology, philosophy, political science, cultural studies, ethnology, international relations, state and law, it will also be of pertinent interest to anyone who follows the latest groundbreaking developments in the humanities, or who seeks to understand the structure of human societies.

Ethnos and Society Vol. 2, Alexander Dugin

In this monograph, Dugin provides an overview of the primary foreign and Russian sources and schools that influenced the establishment of ethnosociology as an independent and original scientific discipline. Dugin offers a profoundly philosophical approach to the categories of the “ethnos,” “narod,” “nation” and “society,” providing clear definitions of these concepts, and expounding a broader ethnosociological taxonomy. For the first time in the field, this work brings a consistent approach to a broad spectrum of knowledge, as well as elucidating various methodologies of ethnosociological analysis, bringing everything together into a single, easily applicable system.

This second volume is a structural and logical continuation of Ethnosociology: The Foundations, and is an invaluable manual for those specializing in sociology, philosophy, political science, cultural studies, ethnology, international relations, state, and law, as well as being of interest to those who follow the current developments in the humanities.

Fascism for the Million, Sir Oswald Mosley

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Today, the word 'fascism' has become synonymous with political thuggery and persecution. It wasn't always so. Back in the 1930s tens of thousands of ordinary British people joined the British Union of Fascists because they believed that it alone could solve the problems of widespread hunger, slum housing, and the threat of world war. Most were motivated by high idealism and when you read Fascism for the Million, you can begin to understand why. It was written by Oswald Mosley - the Movement's charismatic leader and former Minister in the pre-War Labour Government.

Mosley had brains, courage, and was acknowledged to be the finest orator in Britain. In this book he condemns the evil of 'financial democracy' that allowed global capitalists to live in luxury whilst fellow countrymen and women sweated to feed their families on minimum wages. He also explains how his British Corporate State would empower working people, offer women the freedom to realize their full potential and prevent economic recession from putting millions of unemployed on the dole ever again. Mosley argues that Fascism was for the Millions - not the Millionaires.

On the Brink of the Abyss: The Immanent Bankruptcy of the Financial System, Alain De Benoist

This book is a collection of essays written in response to the international financial crisis of 2008 and its aftereffects. The problem with most discussions of the crisis, Benoist notes, is that they focus on attempting to reform the present economic system in order to prevent such disasters from recurring. This is a mistake, he says, since the problem actually lies with the nature of the present-day form of international capitalism itself, a system which privileges the unbridled desires of the individual over the needs of the community; which protects the wealthy at the cost of the middle class and the poor; and which is causing so much suffering worldwide by making it easy for corporations in the richer countries to outsource their labour to other, disadvantaged ones, to the detriment of both. It is this system which must be questioned at its very foundations. Benoist holds both the Left and Right equally responsible for this situation, since the mainstream in both currents has come to unconditionally accept the idea that liberalism and globalized capitalism are not only the best, but the only desirable method of structuring economies in the world today.

Meanwhile, the international financial system teeters on the brink, with American debt soaring and the euro on the verge of implosion. Benoist not only explores the roots of how this situation came about but also makes suggestions on what might be done about it. The current crisis is not simply a temporary one; it is the consequence of the logic of capital, which knows only one watchword: more! More profits, more goods, and more trade, even at the price of austerity measures which hit the poorest. Such a system cannot last forever. Here is why. ‘One who criticises capitalism while approving of immigration, of which the working class is its first victim, would do better to remain silent. One who criticises immigration while remaining silent regarding capitalism should do the same.’-p. 123 Alain de Benoist is the leading philosopher behind the European New Right movement (a label which Benoist himself rejects, perceiving himself as falling outside the usual Left/Right dichotomy), a metapolitical school of thought which he helped to found in France in 1968 with the establishment of GRECE (Research and Study Group for European Civilisation).

The Ideology of Sameness, Alain De Benoist

Alain De Benoist attributed liberalism and the individualism that stems from it to the idea of making man, a social animal, a being removed from the soil, uprooted from any community and therefore interchangeable. This essay gives Benoist the opportunity to return to this theme by developing a definition of what he calls "the ideology of Sameness."

If we reject egalitarianism, should we accept all kinds of inequality? No, because equality is never an absolute. Men can be equal in certain respects — for example, their political membership in a community — and unequal in others. As communal beings, men must necessarily accept such forms of equality. What needs to be fought against, however, is the "ideology of Sameness," which lies at the heart of modernity. This sinister dynamic aims at the complete annihilation of all differences, the neutralization of the world, and the destruction of communities — all in the name of a purely mathematical vision of equality. This is a pathological distortion of the concept of political equality. Equality is not synonymous with Sameness.

The Populist Delusion, Neema Parvini

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The 2016 presidential campaign of Donald Trump unleashed a wave of populism not seen in America since the Nixon era, which carried him into the presidency. Seen widely as a vindication of the people over elites, his failure to bring about any meaningful change was then seen as an aberration, a departure from a natural state where the people are sovereign and their representatives govern by their consent. This is the populist delusion.

This book explodes that delusion. Beginning with the Italian Elite School, Parvini shows the top-down and elite driven nature of politics by explicating one thinker per chapter: Mosca, Pareto, Michels, Schmitt, Jouvenel, Burnham, Francis, and Gottfried. The sobering picture that emerges is that the interests of the people have only ever been advanced by a tightly organized minority. Just as fire drives out fire, so an elite is only ever driven out by another elite.

The Populist Delusion is the remedy for a self-defeating folk politics that has done the people a great disservice.

For My Legionaries, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu

For My Legionaries is the passionate autobiography of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, a Romanian patriot from the early 20th Century who founded The Legion of Michael the Archangel, also known as The Iron Guard. This unprecedented movement saw itself as a crusade in the modern world, battling against liberalism, political corruption, Communism, and the threat of foreign cultural domination from Jewish organizations. Combining Christian spirituality, ethnic nationalism, supra-personal devotion to one’s people and king, and a warrior ethos, which culminated in confrontations with the police and army, assassinations, public trials, and murder.

This new edition of For My Legionaries is distinguishable from previous editions by the inclusion of 100 pages of new text, footnotes, appendices and photographs which are a crucial aid to understanding the book and its context. With an introduction by Dr. Kerry Bolton, and a historical overview of the entire history of the Legionary Movement from its beginnings to the present time by Lucian Tudor, this edition of For My Legionaries is the most comprehensive edition published to date.

Les Cahiers du Cercle Proudhon, Édouard Berth & Georges Valois et al. (French Edition)

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Pierre De Brague is the author of the memoir in the preface to Les Cahiers du Cercle Proudhon. From 1911 to 1914, one of the most interesting political experiments in the history of political ideas took place in France. The communion of reflection claiming to be the guardian figure of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, mainly gathered around Édouard Berth and Georges Valois, respectively under the patronage of Georges Sorel and Charles Maurras, the Cercle Proudhon had sought to be a sacred union against the democratic institutions, reviled as bourgeois, liberal, republican, parliamentary, and plutocratic. The battle of French patriots from two antidemocratic traditions, right and left, the Cercle Proudhon tried to reconcile royalism and revolutionary trade unionism, Tradition and Revolution, nation and class struggle, with the same dedication to the values and virtues of work, production, classical culture, virility, and heroism.

Revolutionary against reformist socialists, and Counter-Revolutionary against the modernist republicans, the Cercle Proudhon posed itself, as evidenced by its publications in the form of notebooks, as a real alternative to commercial liberalism, to the exploitation of the people, and to the destruction of the nation. Little disseminated, plagued by its contradictions, and destroyed by the outbreak of The Great War, the efforts of the Cercle Proudhon are often obscured by official history or presented as a "pre-fascist" experiment. The study of its writings and components encourages us rather to draw on the hopes and the limits of such an experiment, and to consider the ideas and acts of this "French Conservative Revolution" as an honor and as a model for all those who want to be consistent on the political field.

Reflections on Violence, Georges Sorel

Reflections on Violence was an explosive and controversial book in 1906, and it remains so today. In it, Georges Sorel rejects the decadence of bourgeois democracy and calls for a return of the heroic vitalism of the working class.

Sorel chastises the republicanism and parliamentary socialism of his day, but his insights apply to any vanguardist movement, making him of interest beyond the left, and a precursor to fascism. Drawing on Bergson, Rénan, Vico, and others, Sorel underlines myth as the driving force behind political action, and offers the myth of the general strike as the way forward for the syndicalist movement. Sorel’s insistence on the myth of the general strike can easily be transposed on to any group’s quest for self-determination, and so his critiques of politicians, of utopians, and of moderates are as relevant today as they were a century ago.

In the Imperium Press edition, the original translator’s preface, which defends Sorel’s purging of democracy from socialism, has been restored, along with two of Sorel’s essays not included in the original Hulme translation. This edition also includes a foreword by Thomas777 and an essay on the historical context in which Sorel was writing.

The Future of the Intelligentsia & For a French Awakening, Charles Maurras

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Charles Maurras (1868–1952) was one of the earliest and most inspiring anti-modernists in Europe but has been little read or recognized outside France. This edition presents the first English translation of two of Maurras’ most important essays, L’avenir de l’intelligence (1904/1905) and Pour un réveil français (1943). His views on the significance of tradition, money and the intelligentsia in the modern state in the first of the two essays are perhaps even more significant to nationalist-minded readers today than they were at the time of its composition. In the second essay, Maurras’ analysis of the monarchical tradition of French politics is a reminder that true conservatism is impossible in a parliamentary system geared to international financial interests, while formerly monarchical nations are viable only to the extent to which they continue the politico-social systems of their founding princes.

Men Among the Ruins: Post-War Reflections of a Radical Traditionalist, Julius Evola

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Julius Evola's masterful overview of the political and social manifestations of our time, the "age of decline" known to the Hindus as the Kali Yuga.

• Reveals the occult war that underlies the crises that have become a prevailing feature of modern life.

• Includes H. T. Hanson's definitive essay on Evola's political life and theory.

Men Among the Ruins is Evola's frontal assault on the predominant materialism of our time and the mirage of progress. For Evola and other proponents of Traditionalism, we are now living in an age of increasing strife and chaos: the Kali Yuga of the Hindus or the Germanic Ragnarök. In such a time, social decadence is so widespread that it appears as a natural component of all political institutions. Evola argues that the crises that dominate the daily lives of our societies are part of a secret occult war to remove the support of spiritual and traditional values in order to turn man into a passive instrument of the powerful.

Evola is often regarded as the godfather of contemporary Italian fascism and right-wing radical politics, but attentive examination of the historical record, as provided by H. T. Hanson's definitive introduction, reveals Evola to be a much more complex figure. Though he held extreme right-wing views, he was a fearless critic of the Fascist regime and preferred a caste system based on spirituality and intellect. Ultimately, he viewed the forces of history as comprised by two factions: "history's demolition squad" enslaved by blind faith in the future and those individuals whose watchword is Tradition. These latter stand in this world of ruins at a higher level and are capable of letting go of what needs to be abandoned in order that what is truly essential not be compromised.

On Resistance to Evil by Force, Ivan Ilyin

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Written in 1925, On Resistance to Evil by Force is one of the most important tracts composed by white émigré philosopher Ivan Alexandrovich Ilyin. Responding to the pacifist pretentions of Count Leo Tolstoy, Ilyin mounts a tenacious defense of the Orthodox tradition of physical opposition to evil. As he explains, in the face of evil which can be contained by no other means, a forceful response is not only permissible, but becomes a knightly duty. Further, heroic courage consists not only in recognizing this duty, but in bearing its heavy moral burden without fear. In his own time, Ilyin penned this guide for the exiled Russian White Army in its continued resistance against the godless Bolsheviks, yet while the world has developed since the civil war which he lived through, Christians everywhere can still find great relevance in his words, for the same evil continues its designs through other means and under other names. Translated here into English for the first time, On Resistance to Evil by Force is destined to become a classic of Christian ethics.

Testament of a Russian Fascist, Konstantin Rodzaevsky

Testament of a Russian Fascist contains the collected writings of the obscure and fascinating figure of Konstantin Vladimirovich Rodzaevsky, the leader of the long extinct All-Russian Fascist Party. Born in 1907, Rodzaevsky lived through a turbulent time, going through the Russian Revolution as an adolescent and escaping the USSR at the age of eighteen to Manchuria, nominally under Chinese control at the time. There, he and numerous other Russians lived in exile, watching with horror across the border at the transformation of their motherland under the Soviet Union. In his writings, Rodzaevsky offers a rare insight into the mindset and ideology of the Russian far-right during the interwar era and presents a historical account of what he sees as a force that destroyed Russia and, with the Russian people in chains, seeks to dominate the entire world.

Drawing on his personal experiences as well as historical events, Rodzaevsky traces the roots of the dark power that first took over the West and then Russia and explores the potential of a global fascist revolution. This book is not just a piece of journalism or even a political manifesto, but it also delves into the personal struggles and tragedies of Rodzaevsky’s life and the Russian people, showcasing the complex motivations that drove him to embrace fascism as the future for his people.

Prussian Socialism & Other Essays, Oswald Spengler

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In Prussian Socialism & Other Essays, Oswald Spengler reflects on the relationship between socialism, liberalism, and what he calls Prussianism. He uses this term in a broader sense and not just to describe what is tied to Prussia as a specific area or state structure. For Spengler, Prussianism is a typically German, innate disposition that is expressed in characteristics such as a sense of duty and willingness to sacrifice oneself for the common good. In contrast to Marxism, which he strongly criticizes, this Prussian spirit is synonymous with true socialism for Spengler: the old Prussian spirit and socialist outlook, which today hate each other with the hatred of brothers, are one and the same. In Prussian Socialism & Other Essays, Spengler juxtaposes two fundamentally different views of life: English liberalism and Prussian socialism. While English liberalism is characterized by deterministic individualism and ruthless profit-seeking, Prussian socialism emphasizes togetherness, solidarity and national community. Both points of view are incompatible and there can be no coexistence. Depending on which ideology gets the upper hand, power will ultimately rest either with financial interests or with states. Against this background, Spengler calls on citizens of all walks of life to ignore class egoism, to affirm Prussian socialism and to unite in the struggle against the liberal worldview - inner England - which he regards as a threat to the continued existence of the nation.

The National System of Political Economy, Friedrich List

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Friedrich List is the father of economic nationalism and the Historical School of economics. Responding to Adam Smith’s free market apologetics, in The National System of Political Economy List provides a theoretical basis for state intervention in the economy. But he does much more than this—as part of a wider trend in European thought, List affirms the primacy of history in developing our worldview. The National System of Political Economy does not begin with theory, but with history. In so doing, List shows that England’s rise as a commercial power was not facilitated by free markets but by protectionism, drawing his theory from historical fact rather than vice versa.

Adam Smith and Karl Marx formed the basis of 20th century economic theory. But Friedrich List stands as a colossus astride the 20th century, forming the basis of economic practice for all major powers until mid-century. In his introduction to this edition, Francis O’Beirne shows that the great economic clash has never been between capitalism and socialism, but between capitalism and nationalism, with Marxism a revolutionary force, but an economic irrelevancy.

Being and Time, Martin Heidegger

"What is the meaning of being?" This is the central question of Martin Heidegger's profoundly important work, in which the great philosopher seeks to explain the basic problems of existence. This first paperback edition of John Macquarrie and Edward Robinson's definitive translation also features a foreword by Heidegger scholar Taylor Carman.

A central influence on later philosophy, literature, art, and criticism—as well as existentialism and much of postmodern thought—Being and Time forever changed the intellectual map of the world. As Richard Rorty wrote in the New York Times Book Review, "You cannot read most of the important thinkers of recent times without taking Heidegger's thought into account."

Imperium, Francis Parker Yockey

Written without notes in Ireland, and first published pseudonymously in 1948, Imperium is Francis Parker Yockey's masterpiece. It is a critique of 19th-century rationalism and materialism, synthesizing Oswald Spengler, Carl Schmitt, and Klaus Haushofer's geopolitics. In particular, it rethinks the themes of Spengler's The Decline of the West in an effort to account for the United States' then recent involvement in World War II and for the task bequeathed to Europe's political soldiers in the struggle to unite the Continent, heroically, rather than economically, in the realization of the destiny implied in European High Culture. Yockey's radical attack on liberal thought, especially that embodied by Americanism (distinct from America or Americans), condemned his work to obscurity, its appeal limited to the post-war fascist underground. Yet, Imperium transcends both the immediate post-war situation and its initial readership: it opened pathways to a deconstruction of liberalism, and introduced the concept of cultural vitalism- the organic conceptualization of culture, with all that attends to it. These contributions are even more relevant now than in their day, and provide us with a deeper understanding of, as well as tools to deal with, the situation in the West in current century. It is with this in mind that the present, 900-page, fully-annotated edition is offered, complete with a major foreword by Dr. Kerry Bolton, Julius Evola's review as an afterword (in a fresh new translation), a comprehensive index, a chronology of Yockey's life, and an appendix, revealing, for the first time, much previously unknown information about the author's genealogical background.

Revolt Against the Modern World, Julius Evola

With unflinching gaze and uncompromising intensity Julius Evola analyzes the spiritual and cultural malaise at the heart of Western civilization and all that passes for progress in the modern world. As a gadfly, Evola spares no one and nothing in his survey of what we have lost and where we are headed. At turns prophetic and provocative, Revolt Against the Modern World outlines a profound metaphysics of history and demonstrates how and why we have lost contact with the transcendent dimension of being.

The revolt advocated by Evola does not resemble the familiar protests of either liberals or conservatives. His criticisms are not limited to exposing the mindless nature of consumerism, the march of progress, the rise of technocracy, or the dominance of unalloyed individualism, although these and other subjects come under his scrutiny. Rather, he attempts to trace in space and time the remote causes and processes that have exercised corrosive influence on what he considers to be the higher values, ideals, beliefs, and codes of conduct--the world of Tradition--that are at the foundation of Western civilization and described in the myths and sacred literature of the Indo‑Europeans. Agreeing with the Hindu philosophers that history is the movement of huge cycles and that we are now in the Kali Yuga, the age of dissolution and decadence, Evola finds revolt to be the only logical response for those who oppose the materialism and ritualized meaninglessness of life in the twentieth century.

Through a sweeping study of the structures, myths, beliefs, and spiritual traditions of the major Western civilizations, the author compares the characteristics of the modern world with those of traditional societies. The domains explored include politics, law, the rise and fall of empires, the history of the Church, the doctrine of the two natures, life and death, social institutions and the caste system, the limits of racial theories, capitalism and communism, relations between the sexes, and the meaning of warriorhood. At every turn Evola challenges the reader’s most cherished assumptions about fundamental aspects of modern life.

The Reign of Quantity & the Signs of the Times, René Guénon

The Reign of Quantity & the Signs of the Times is René Guénon’s most prophetic work, which only becomes more relevant with each passing year. Having seen his telling analysis of Western culture, The Crisis of the Modern World, swiftly overtaken by events, Guénon based this his final and most profound critique squarely on changeless metaphysical principles. But to unite social criticism with metaphysics is to beget eschatology, and so, whereas in Crisis Guénon foresaw the end of Western civilization, in Reign he presents us with the end of a vaster world-age, or Manvantara, that began before the dawn of history as we know it.

Guénon bases his critique on ‘abstract’ principles, but his examples are satisfyingly concrete. His chapter ‘The Degeneration of Coinage’ could easily be updated to include the transformation of money into a web of electronically-stored information, while in its treatment of the occult dangers of metallurgy ‘The Significance of Metallurgy’ points directly to our own well-founded fear of such man-made elements as plutonium. And his ‘Fissures in the Great Wall’ gives solid metaphysical grounding to our twentieth-century demonology, including the UFO phenomenon. The Reign of Quantity presents a vision of the End Times that in no way contradicts traditional eschatologies, but is one key to their deeper meaning. Guénon sees history as a descent from Form (or Quality) toward Matter (or Quantity); but after the Reign of Quantity—modern materialism and the ‘rise of the masses,’ Guénon predicts a reign of ‘inverted quality’ just before the end of the age: the triumph of the ‘counter-initiation.’ This text is considered the magnum opus among Guénon’s texts of civilizational criticism.

The Worker: Dominion and Form, Ernst Jünger

Written in 1932, just before the fall of the Weimar Republic and on the eve of the Nazi accession to power, Ernst Jünger’s The Worker: Dominion and Form articulates a trenchant critique of bourgeois liberalism and seeks to identify the form characteristic of the modern age. Jünger’s analyses, written in critical dialogue with Marx, are inspired by a profound intuition of the movement of history and an insightful interpretation of Nietzsche’s philosophy.

Martin Heidegger considered Jünger “the only genuine follower of Nietzsche,” singularly providing “an interpretation which took shape in the domain of that metaphysics which already determines our epoch, even against our knowledge; this metaphysics is Nietzsche's doctrine of the ‘will to power.’” In The Worker, Jünger examines some of the defining questions of that epoch: the nature of individuality, society, and the state; morality, justice, and law; and the relationships between freedom and power and between technology and nature.

This work, appearing in its entirety in English translation for the first time, is an important contribution to debates on work, technology, and politics by one of the most controversial German intellectuals of the twentieth century. Not merely of historical interest, The Worker carries a vital message for contemporary debates about world economy, political stability, and equality in our own age, one marked by unsettling parallels to the 1930s.